g one of the speeches listed below (Available in next page) write a max 1500 word piece that reflects on the history of making peace and/or war.

Using one of the speeches listed below (Available in next page) write a max 1500 word piece that reflects on the history of making peace and/or war. You should complete one of the following tasks: 1. This unit has critically investigated and historicised the categories through which war and peace have been made in the past (nation, empire, gender, emotion, sexuality etc etc). In essay form, explain how historically contingent understandings of one or more of those categories operate in one speech. You could either interrogate the political inclusions and exclusions of their rhetoric, or, offer an account of the different ways in which a central category of war/peace-­-making have operated in the past in order to bring a sense of contingency to this speech. 2. Write an open letter to the political leader who delivered one of these speeches; use historical examples to reveal the historical contingency of how they understand war making and peace making.1 Selected Speeches: (Full speeches are available next page.) US Secretary of State, Hillary Rodham Clinton – Address to Georgetown University [excerpts] Washington, US 19 December 2011 Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh – Address at the Birth Anniversary Celebrations of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose 23 January 2007 New Dehli, India Australian Prime Minister John Howard – Anzac Day Addresses [Consider these speeches together] 25 April, 2001 and 2005 US President Bush – Address to Congress [excerpts] Washington, United States 20 September 2001 Your essay: • Must draw upon material from the source list. • Must reflect on some of the dominant themes/keywords from the unit (such as memory, colonialism, gender, sexuality, emotion, identity, nationalism). Your essay will be assessed according to the following criteria • Historical knowledge and understanding • Coherence of argument / central claim • Use of evidence • Originality • Communication • Referencing and presentation 1 Write this letter as if it would be published in a newspaper so use direct quotes from secondary sources sparingly at most. You should, however, provide footnotes that clearly demonstrate where you located the evidence within the unit materials -­- lectures, readings or tutorial discussions Prime Minister John Howard – ANZAC Parade Address 25 April, 2001 Canberra, Australia All over Australia, all over the world today, our countrymen and women are gathering -­- drawn together almost by instinct, by a great silent summons to repay a debt to the past. Each year the numbers of us grow. Each year, more and more young Australians hear the call, though far removed, in time and circumstance, from those they seek to honour. The story of Anzac is a remarkable one. At Gallipoli itself, amid the mud of France and Flanders, in the heroic defence of Greece and Crete exactly 60 years ago, in Korea exactly 50 years ago, in deserts and in jungles, in air battles and on broad ocean seas throughout the world, Australians have shown themselves willing to fight, and if need be die, for the cause of freedom. Australian courage has ensured that foreign names like Beersheba and Villers Bretonneux, Tobruk and Changi, Kapyong and Long Tan have become for this nation treasured mementos of a past rich and steeped in great bravery. Yet, Anzac Day should not only be about the past. We would be a shallow people if all we sought on this day each year, was to bask in the pale reflected glory of others' deeds. We would be foolish if we felt our own safety assured by the service and sacrifice of earlier generations. Australians are neither shallow nor foolish. Today we do pay homage to those men and women who either offered or gave their lives in war. We remember the fallen and give grateful thanks to the veterans among us. In the words of the War Memorial's founder, Dr Charles Bean, "their story rises, as it will always rise, above the mists of ages, a monument to great-­-hearted men and for their nation, a possession forever". And also today we think of those still abroad in our name in places such as East Timor and Bougainville. But, as importantly, we gather in ever-­-increasing numbers to each pledge anew our determination, not merely to dwell upon the legacy of the past, but also to build upon it. To extend a culture of proud self-­-reliance and personal initiative; create a just society where an individual's rights are respected but their responsibilities are also recognised; offer our children, and their children, all the possibilities of the world should they only have the heart and the will to grasp them; and to build strong communities where men and women strive together for the common good and none need live in fear or isolation. We gather to be reminded of the values so evident among Australians in time of war and adversity but that we too can use to face the challenges within our own lives. Courage, unity of purpose, compassion and selflessness -­- these virtues, so compelling and so commonplace amid the horror of battle, seem to subside so often in the calm of peace. Anzac Day reminds us all that it need not be so. Anzac Day reminds us that we each have a task before us. Blessedly, not to fight new wars, not to bear the loss of sons and daughters, but to use the peace and prosperity purchased for us at so high a price. Anzac Day reminds us that our nation is capable of the most extraordinary achievements if only we dare to reach them. Just after World War I drew to its bloody close, as the troop ships brought home our heroes, a young Australian poet asked how those of us, unscarred by battle, unmarked by war, could ever hope to repay the debt we owe. Her answer is as true today as it was then. As true for us as it was for those who waited the arrival of those troop ships. She wrote: "Let us make haste and let us build great worlds with strength and wonder filled, Then shall they know their peace has come" Australian Prime Minister John Howard – ANZAC Day Address 25 April, 2005 Gallipoli, Turkey. Ninety years ago, as dawn began to break, the first sons of a young nation assailed these shores. These young Australians, with their New Zealand comrades, had come to do their bit in a maelstrom not of their making. Over eight impossible months, they forged a legend whose grip on us grows tighter with each passing year. In the hills, ridges and gullies above us the Anzacs fought, died, dug in and hung on. Here they won a compelling place in the Australian story. Today we remember the 50,000 Australians who served in the Gallipoli campaign. And the more than 26,000 who fell or were wounded here. We remember, too, the sons of New Zealand who died and suffered. And let us not forget the sons of Britain, France, India, Newfoundland and of course Turkey, who died in their countless thousands on this peninsula. Gallipoli began our involvement in a cataclysm that would cut down the youth not only of Australia but of many countries across the world. Nearly two thirds of the 330,000 Australians who served abroad in the Great War would become casualties. Sixty thousand would never see Australia again. We remember today a century of Australian sacrifice, the more than 100,000 Australians who have died in war and for peace in our name. From Villers Bretonneux to Tobruk, Kokoda to Long Tan and Afghanistan. Those who fought here in places like Quinn’s Post, Pope’s Hill and the Nek changed forever the way we saw our world and ourselves. They bequeathed Australia a lasting sense of national identity. They sharpened our democratic temper and our questioning eye towards authority. We used to say that the ranks of the original Anzacs were thinning with each passing year. They are all gone now. Now what swells with each Anzac season is a hunger for their stories. Now we remember them not as old soldiers but as young Australians, often from the same suburbs, streets, districts and towns that we come from. Just as many of you have come here today with your brothers and your mates, so it was 90 years ago that the young of Australia surged forward to enlist along with their brothers and their mates. We imagine young men swimming amidst death and danger, anything to escape the heat, the fatigue, the flies and the lice. We think especially this morning of the families broken here and in other foreign fields. James and Janet Hallahan of Western Australia sent four sons to the Great War. Three never came home. One of them, Wally, survived Gallipoli and the Western Front only to be killed in the final exchanges of November 1918. History helps us to remember but the spirit of Anzac is greater than a debt to past deeds. It lives on in the valour and the sacrifice of young men and women that ennoble Australia in our time, in scrub in the Solomons, in the villages of Timor, in the deserts of Iraq and the coast of Nias. It lives on through a nation’s easy familiarity, through Australians looking out for each other, through courage and compassion in the face of adversity. And so we dedicate ourselves at this hour, at this place, not just to the memory of Anzac but to its eternal place in the Australian soul. Soon we go to Lone Pine where the names of almost half of our Gallipoli casualties are recorded. One of them buried there is Noel Edwards of Bendigo, who took part in that charge against Turkish trenches. Before heading into ‘No Mans Land’, Noel shared a meal with his two mates–Gil Dyett and Curly Symons. Gil was severely wounded in the attack; Curly was to win a Victoria Cross; Noel fell at the place the Turks called the Ridge of Blood. After the war, Noel’s mother Harriett penned some words that evoke the painful loss of life’s promise. That echo down the ages and remind us why we are here: How shall I miss him – when from overseas The Anzacs come ‘mid shouts of victory; When eager voices answering smiles awake, And hands press hands for old remembrance sake. Full many a face will wear a mask of joy, With heartstrings aching for the absent boy. In our time–and for all time–we will remember them. Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh – Address at the Birth Anniversary Celebrations of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose 23 January 2007 New Dehli, India It is a great honour and privilege for me to participate in these celebrations of the birth anniversary of Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose. Netaji Bose was one of the tallest leaders of our freedom struggle. A great son of India, he was also a great citizen of the world. The image of Netaji as a restless young man driven by the sole cause of freedom of India endures in the popular imagination of our countrymen. There was in him the fire and the zeal to pursue that single goal with firm sense of determination. Any obstacle in his way was never regarded as insurmountable. He had a fiercely independent mind and refused to follow the beaten track. On one occasion he wrote, "There is nothing that lures me more than a life of adventure away from the beaten track and in search of the unknown. In this life there may be suffering, but there is joy as well; there may be darkness, but there are also hours of dawn. To this path I call my countrymen." Netaji was impatient in his desire to liberate our country from foreign rule. He left the coveted Indian Civil Service, joined the freedom movement and displayed rare sense of heroism in the relentless pursuit of his goal. He united Indians of all faiths, all communities and languages and gave shape to the idea of a modern resurgent India. This year is also the 150th anniversary of the first war of independence. Netaji was inspired by its example when he created the famous Azad Hind Fauj. Netaji glowingly referred to the first war of independence and urged his soldiers to fulfil the unfinished task of the sepoys of 1857. One of the regiments of the Indian National Army was named Rani Jhansi Regiment. Netaji's clarion call "Dilli Challo," echoed the call to arms of 1857 and inspired the whole Nation once more. He dreamt of hoisting the tricolour on the ramparts of the Red Fort. But instead his men were tried in that Fort. Jawaharlal Nehru put on the robes of a barrister and defended gallant young men. Ironically that trial became the trial of the British Empire. The idealism and the spirit of sacrifice of Netaji for the cause of the nation remains the high point of our struggle for independence. Netaji once wrote, "... no suffering, no sacrifice is ever futile. It is through suffering and sacrifice alone that a cause can flourish and prosper, and in every age and clime, the eternal law prevails, 'the blood of the martyr is the seed of the church'." Today we salute that suffering and sacrifice of the men and women who marched under Netaji's command. Netaji's magnetic personality also won the admiration of Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. Though Mahatma Gandhi, the apostle of non-­-violence, rejected Netaji's methods, he always admired his zeal, his commitment, his patriotism and his nationalism. Gandhiji once observed: "the greatest lesson that we can draw from Netaji's life is the way in which he infused the spirit of unity amongst his men so that they could rise above all religions and provincial barriers and shed together their blood for common cause." It is this spirit that is required today to take our country forward. To help us pursue a more inclusive and equitable path to social, economic progress. The national movement forged the unity of our diverse land. It brought people of diverse faiths, diverse creeds, diverse languages together. Both Mahatma Gandhi and Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose remained deeply committed to Hindu-­- Muslim unity and amity. They were both deeply spiritual men, but equally secular. They understood that India's great contribution to humankind is the idea of "Sarva Dharma Sambhava". In celebrating Netaji's birth anniversary we also celebrate the ideas and principles we associate with him and our national movement for freedom. We recall his extraordinary courage as the Supreme Commander of the Indian National Army, but we also recall his constructive approach to nation building. That vision of Netaji has immense relevance for the 21st century and for our fight against the forces of communalism, terrorism and extremism. While commemorating Netaji's birth anniversary I am reminded of his historic statement concerning the processes of nation building. He was in favour of guaranteeing rights to all citizens. But at the same time he stressed on taking special measures for minorities and other disadvantaged sections of society. As the President of the Indian National Congress in 1938, he articulated a vision that is of abiding relevance. Netaji's view that all minority communities be allowed their due space in cultural as well as governmental affairs testified to his humanism and commitment to egalitarian values. A commitment to equity is not appeasement. It is a mark of one's commitment to humanism. Netaji had a sense of history and a far-­-sighted vision of India's place in the world. As far back as 1929, he said : "History tells us how Asia conquered and held sway over large portions of Europe. The tables are turned now but the wheel of fortune is still moving .........Time is not far off when a rejuvenated Asia will be resplendent in power and glory and take her legitimate place in the comity of free nations." Netaji Subhash Bose had many firsts to his credit. He was one of the first leaders of our country who cautioned the nation about population growth in the 1930s and suggested steps for controlling it. His historic decision to establish, for the first time in our history, the National Planning Committee under the Chairmanship of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru made him one of the key architects of planning in our country. He interacted with a wide spectrum of public figures including economists and scientists. He wanted to build modern India as much on the firm base of industrialization and science and technology as on our ancient culture and civilization. Much has been said about the differences between Netaji Subhash Bose with Mahatma Gandhi. But much has not been said about their common approach and vision of a free India. It was Netaji who, as the Supreme Commander of the Indian National Army, had named its various brigades as Nehru Brigade, Azad Brigade, etc. From the battlefield, he sent a message to Gandhiji addressing him, probably for the first time, as the Father of our Nation. He sought Gandhiji's blessings and good wishes for his Herculean endeavours. In 1945 Mahatma Gandhi wrote in the Harijan, "The hypnotism of Indian National Army has cast a spell on us. Netaji's name is one to conjure with. His bravery shines above all." Let us all today bow our heads before his bravery and leadership in our struggle for Independence. In paying tribute to his memory, and on the eve of Republic Day, let us be imbued with the values of our freedom struggle and rededicate ourselves to the cause of India's progress. Jai Hind. US Secretary of State, Hillary Rodham Clinton – Address to Georgetown University [excerpts] Washington, US 19 December 2011 Thank you. Well, it is wonderful to be back at Georgetown to give all of the students an excuse not to keep studying for their last finals. (Laughter.) That’s what accounts for the enthusiastic response here in Gaston Hall. […] I also want to recognize all the members of our Armed Forces who are with us today. I’d like to give them all a round of applause. (Applause.) All of you and those who you are serving with and leading are on our minds and in our hearts this holiday season. This is, after all, a time when we are called upon to think more deeply about peace and what more we can do to try to achieve it. And we also think about security and what kind of a gift we can give to future generations so that they too have the opportunities that all of us enjoy. Today, I want to focus on one aspect of peacemaking that too often goes overlooked – the role of women in ending conflict and building lasting security. Some of you may have watched a week ago Saturday as three remarkable women – two from Liberia, one from Yemen – accepted the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo. For years, many of us have tried to show the world that women are not just victims of war; they are agents of peace. And that was the wisdom behind the historic UN Security Council Resolution 1325, which was adopted a decade ago but whose promise remains largely unfulfilled. So it was deeply heartening to see those three women command the global spotlight and urge the international community to adopt an approach to making peace that includes women as full and equal partners. […] And that is why, in a speech that I delivered in New York on Friday night, I highlighted the growing body of evidence that shows how women around the world contribute to making and keeping peace, and that these contributions lead to better outcomes for entire societies. From Northern Ireland to Liberia to Nepal and many places in between, we have seen that when women participate in peace processes, they focus discussion on issues like human rights, justice, national reconciliation, and economic renewal that are critical to making peace, but often are overlooked in formal negotiations. They build coalitions across ethnic and sectarian lines, and they speak up for other marginalized groups. They act as mediators and help to foster compromise. And when women organize in large numbers, they galvanize opinion and help change the course of history. Think of those remarkable women in Liberia who marched and sang and prayed until their countries’ warring factions finally agreed to end their conflict and move toward democracy. If you have seen the movie – and if you haven’t, I highly recommend it – it’s called Pray The Devil Back To Hell – you know that these brave women literally laid siege to the negotiations until the men inside the rooms signed a deal. Now I know some of you may be thinking to yourself, “Well, there she goes again. Hillary Clinton always talks about women, and why should I or anyone else really care?” Well, you should care because this is not just a woman’s issue. It cannot be relegated to the margins of international affairs. It truly does cut to the heart of our national security and the security of people everywhere, because the sad fact is that the way the international community tries to build peace and security today just isn’t getting the job done. Dozens of active conflicts are raging around the world, undermining regional and global stability, and ravaging entire populations. And more than half of all peace agreements fail within five years. At the same time, women are too often excluded from both the negotiations that make peace and the institutions that maintain it. Now of course, some women wield weapons of war – that’s true – and many more are victims of it. But too few are empowered to be instruments of peace and security. That is an unacceptable waste of talent and of opportunity for the rest of us as well. Across the Middle East and North Africa, nations are emerging from revolution and beginning the transition to democracy. And here too, women are being excluded and increasingly even targeted. Recent events in Egypt have been particularly shocking. Women are being beaten and humiliated in the same streets where they risked their lives for the revolution only a few short months ago. And this is part of a deeply troubling pattern. Egyptian women have been largely shut out of decision-­-making in the transition by both the military authorities and the major political parties. At the same time, they have been specifically targeted both by security forces and by extremists. […] Excluding women means excluding the entire wealth of knowledge, experience, and talent we can offer. So the United States will use the full weight of our diplomacy to push combatants and mediators to include women as equal partners in peace negotiations. We will work with civil society to help women and other leaders give voice to the voiceless. And we will also help countries affected by conflict design laws, policies, and practices that promote gender equality so that women can be partners in rebuilding their societies after the violence ends. […] And I’m very proud that we have several female flag and general officers with us today, living proof of how important women are to American national security. In today’s military, women are leading carrier strike groups, expeditionary strike groups, and numbered air forces. They are on the frontlines, defending our country, responding to disasters, and working with our allies and our partners. […] Thank you for deciding to be part of the solution, and I now look forward to taking some questions about how we can chart this new approach together. US President Bush – Address to Congress Washington, United States 20 September 2001 Mr. Speaker, Mr. President Pro Tempore, members of Congress, and fellow Americans, in the normal course of events, presidents come to this chamber to report on the state of the union. Tonight, no such report is needed; it has already been delivered by the American people. We have seen it in the courage of passengers who rushed terrorists to save others on the ground. Passengers like an exceptional man named Todd Beamer. And would you please help me welcome his wife Lisa Beamer here tonight? We have seen the state of our union in the endurance of rescuers working past exhaustion. We've seen the unfurling of flags, the lighting of candles, the giving of blood, the saying of prayers in English, Hebrew and Arabic. We have seen the decency of a loving and giving people who have made the grief of strangers their own. My fellow citizens, for the last nine days, the entire world has seen for itself the state of union, and it is strong. Tonight, we are a country awakened to danger and called to defend freedom. Our grief has turned to anger and anger to resolution. Whether we bring our enemies to justice or bring justice to our enemies, justice will be done. I thank the Congress for its leadership at such an important time. All of America was touched on the evening of the tragedy to see Republicans and Democrats joined together on the steps of this Capitol singing "God Bless America." […] And on behalf of the American people, I thank the world for its outpouring of support. […] On September the 11th, enemies of freedom committed an act of war against our country. Americans have known wars, but for the past 136 years they have been wars on foreign soil, except for one Sunday in 1941. Americans have known the casualties of war, but not at the center of a great city on a peaceful morning. Aericans have known surprise attacks, but never before on thousands of civilians. All of this was brought upon us in a single day, and night fell on a different world, a world where freedom itself is under attack. Americans have many questions tonight. Americans are asking, "Who attacked our country?" The evidence we have gathered all points to a collection of loosely affiliated terrorist organizations known as al Qaeda. They are some of the murderers indicted for bombing American embassies in Tanzania and Kenya and responsible for bombing the USS Cole. Al Qaeda is to terror what the Mafia is to crime. But its goal is not making money, its goal is remaking the world and imposing its radical beliefs on people everywhere. The terrorists practice a fringe form of Islamic extremism that has been rejected by Muslim scholars and the vast majority of Muslim clerics; a fringe movement that perverts the peaceful teachings of Islam. The terrorists' directive commands them to kill Christians and Jews, to kill all Americans and make no distinctions among military and civilians, including women and children. This group and its leader, a person named Osama bin Laden, are linked to many other organizations in different countries, including the Egyptian Islamic Jihad, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. There are thousands of these terrorists in more than 60 countries. They are recruited from their own nations and neighborhoods and brought to camps in places like Afghanistan where they are trained in the tactics of terror. They are sent back to their homes or sent to hide in countries around the world to plot evil and destruction. The leadership of al Qaeda has great influence in Afghanistan and supports the Taliban regime in controlling most of that country. In Afghanistan we see al Qaeda's vision for the world. Afghanistan's people have been brutalized, many are starving and many have fled. Women are not allowed to attend school. You can be jailed for owning a television. Religion can be practiced only as their leaders dictate. A man can be jailed in Afghanistan if his beard is not long enough. The United States respects the people of Afghanistan -­--­- after all, we are currently its largest source of humanitarian aid -­--­- but we condemn the Taliban regime. […] The Taliban must act and act immediately. They will hand over the terrorists or they will share in their fate. I also want to speak tonight directly to Muslims throughout the world. We respect your faith. It's practiced freely by many millions of Americans and by millions more in countries that America counts as friends. Its teachings are good and peaceful, and those who commit evil in the name of Allah blaspheme the name of Allah. The terrorists are traitors to their own faith, trying, in effect, to hijack Islam itself. The enemy of America is not our many Muslim friends. It is not our many Arab friends. Our enemy is a radical network of terrorists and every government that supports them. Our war on terror begins with al Qaeda, but it does not end there. It will not end until every terrorist group of global reach has been found, stopped and defeated. Americans are asking "Why do they hate us?" They hate what they see right here in this chamber: a democratically elected government. Their leaders are self-­-appointed. They hate our freedoms: our freedom of religion, our freedom of speech, our freedom to vote and assemble and disagree with each other. They want to overthrow existing governments in many Muslim countries such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Jordan. They want to drive Israel out of the Middle East. They want to drive Christians and Jews out of vast regions of Asia and Africa. These terrorists kill not merely to end lives, but to disrupt and end a way of life. With every atrocity, they hope that America grows fearful, retreating from the world and forsaking our friends. They stand against us because we stand in their way. We're not deceived by their pretenses to piety. We have seen their kind before. They're the heirs of all the murderous ideologies of the 20th century. By sacrificing human life to serve their radical visions, by abandoning every value except the will to power, they follow in the path of fascism, Nazism and totalitarianism. And they will follow that path all the way to where it ends in history's unmarked grave of discarded lies. […] Our response involves far more than instant retaliation and isolated strikes. Americans should not expect one battle, but a lengthy campaign unlike any other we have ever seen. It may include dramatic strikes visible on TV and covert operations secret even in success. We will starve terrorists of funding, turn them one against another, drive them from place to place until there is no refuge or no rest. And we will pursue nations that provide aid or safe haven to terrorism. Every nation in every region now has a decision to make: Either you are with us or you are with the terrorists. From this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime. Our nation has been put on notice, we're not immune from attack. We will take defensive measures against terrorism to protect Americans. Today, dozens of federal departments and agencies, as well as state and local governments, have responsibilities affecting homeland security. […] This is not, however, just America's fight. And what is at stake is not just America's freedom. This is the world's fight. This is civilization's fight. This is the fight of all who believe in progress and pluralism, tolerance and freedom. […] And finally, please continue praying for the victims of terror and their families, for those in uniform and for our great country. Prayer has comforted us in sorrow and will help strengthen us for the journey ahead. Tonight I thank my fellow Americans for what you have already done and for what you will do. And ladies and gentlemen of the Congress, I thank you, their representatives, for what you have already done and for what we will do together. Tonight we face new and sudden national challenges. We will come together to improve air safety, to dramatically expand the number of air marshals on domestic flights and take new measures to prevent hijacking. We will come together to promote stability and keep our airlines flying with direct assistance during this emergency. We will come together to give law enforcement the additional tools it needs to track down terror here at home. We will come together to strengthen our intelligence capabilities to know the plans of terrorists before they act and to find them before they strike. […] After all that has just passed, all the lives taken and all the possibilities and hopes that died with them, it is natural to wonder if America's future is one of fear. Some speak of an age of terror. I know there are struggles ahead and dangers to face. But this country will define our times, not be defined by them. As long as the United States of America is determined and strong, this will not be an age of terror. This will be an age of liberty here and across the world. Great harm has been done to us. We have suffered great loss. And in our grief and anger we have found our mission and our moment. Freedom and fear are at war. The advance of human freedom, the great achievement of our time and the great hope of every time, now depends on us. Our nation, this generation, will lift the dark threat of violence from our people and our future. We will rally the world to this cause by our efforts, by our courage. We will not tire, we will not falter and we will not fail. […] I will not forget the wound to our country and those who inflicted it. I will not yield, I will not rest, I will not relent in waging this struggle for freedom and security for the American people. The course of this conflict is not known, yet its outcome is certain. Freedom and fear, justice and cruelty, have always been at war, and we know that God is not neutral between them.