Topic: Equity focused health impact assessment: social determinants of health
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Equity focused health impact assessment: social determinants of health
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Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal
ISSN: 1461-5517 (Print) 1471-5465 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tiap20
Health impact assessment: the state of the art
Ben Harris-Roxas , Francesca Viliani , Alan Bond , Ben Cave , Mark Divall ,
Peter Furu , Patrick Harris , Matthew Soeberg , Aaron Wernham & Mirko
Winkler
To cite this article: Ben Harris-Roxas , Francesca Viliani , Alan Bond , Ben Cave , Mark Divall ,
Peter Furu , Patrick Harris , Matthew Soeberg , Aaron Wernham & Mirko Winkler (2012) Health
impact assessment: the state of the art, Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal, 30:1, 43-52,
DOI: 10.1080/14615517.2012.666035
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14615517.2012.666035
Published online: 24 Feb 2012.
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Health impact assessment: the state of the art
Ben Harris-Roxasa,b*, Francesca Viliania,c, Alan Bondd, Ben Cavee, Mark Divallf, Peter Furug, Patrick Harrisb,
Matthew Soebergh, Aaron Wernhami and Mirko Winklerj,k
aHealth Section Co-Chair, International Association for Impact Assessment; bCentre for Primary Health Care and Equity, University
of New South Wales, Australia; cInternational SOS, Denmark; dSchool of Environmental Sciences, University of East Anglia, UK;
eBen Cave Associates, UK; fShape Consulting, Channel Islands/South Africa; gDBL Centre for Health Research and Development,
Faculty of Health and Medical Sciences, University of Copenhagen, Denmark; hHealth Inequalities Research Programme, Department
of Public Health, University of Otago, New Zealand; iHealth Impact Project, Pew Charitable Trusts, USA; jDepartment of Epidemiology
and Public Health, Swiss Tropical and Public Health Institute, Switzerland; kUniversity of Basel, Switzerland
(Received 4 January 2012; final version received 9 February 2012)
Health impact assessment (HIA) has matured as a form of impact assessment over the past two decades. The use of HIA
methods and approaches has expanded rapidly, and it now has applications in both the public and private sectors and in an
increasing number of countries around the world. This paper presents an overview of the historical and recent international
developments in HIA, before detailing the existing strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to practice. It draws
upon the HIA literature, five workshops on ‘Current issues in HIA practice’ held at International Association for Impact
Assessment (IAIA) conferences between 2006 and 2011, and the experience of the authors.
Keywords: health impact assessment; public health; international; history
Background
Health is not a new concern within impact assessment.
Many of the events that created the impetus for regulatory
environmental assessment first came to public attention
because of their human health impacts (WHO 1979,
Kasperson 1983). Since then the consideration of health
within impact assessment has expanded and in the past two
decades the use of health impact assessment (HIA) as a
discrete form of impact assessment has become relatively
widespread (Vohra 2007).
This paper presents an overview of HIA activity
internationally and suggests future directions for the field.
It addresses the history of HIA; examples from various
countries of the legal and policy frameworks to support
HIA’s use; a consideration of strengths, weaknesses,
opportunities and threats to current practice; and the
potential future directions for HIA. This paper is part of a
collection of articles on the state of the art in impact
assessment and like the others in this collection it updates
the last International Association for Impact Assessment
(IAIA) overview of the field that was published in 1995
(Vanclay and Bronstein 1995) and its chapter on HIA
(Birley and Peralta 1995). To provide this overview it
draws on published HIA literature; five workshops on
‘Current issues in HIA practice’ that were held at IAIA
conferences between 2006 and 2011; and the experience of
the authors, who are all IAIA Health Section members and
have collectively practised across six continents and been
involved in more than 200 HIAs.
All too often, health professionals consider the health
infrastructure implications of proposed developments,
rather than the broader health implications of the design
(e.g. whether a housing development encourages walking
or driving), and non-health professionals have insufficient
understanding of health to understand the consequences of
their actions. Greater dialogue would go a long way
towards improving the consideration of health in decisionmaking
(Bond et al. 2011), and one of the roles of HIA is
to provide the forum for that dialogue, to ensure that health
professionals are engaged in decisions that affect health
outcomes rather than treating the problems at a later date.
History of health impact assessment
The evolution of HIA differs from that of environmental
impact assessment (EIA) and many other forms of impact
assessment. Historically, EIA had been closely linked to
assessment of major projects as part of environmental
protection legislation (Caldwell 1988) dating back to the
US National Environmental Policy Act (1969). Impact
assessment practice has since expanded to encompass
strategic environmental assessment (SEA) and other forms
of impact assessment (Wright et al. 2007, Joffe 2008), but
often without detailed consideration of human health
impacts (Bhatia and Wernham 2008, Harris et al. 2009).
HIA’s history and development is distinct, however,
because its origins do not lie solely in EIA and
environmental health concerns but also in public health
professional movements that have emphasized its potential
role in promoting action for health at a policy level and as
a measure for redressing and promoting more equitable
health impacts (Scott-Samuel et al. 2001, Mahoney et al.
2007, Nilunger Mannheimer et al. 2007, Kang et al. 2011).
Given this different history, it has been recognized that
HIA can learn a lot from the experience and development
of other forms of impact assessment (Bond 2004, Bond
ISSN 1461-5517 print/ISSN 1471-5465 online
q 2012 IAIA
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14615517.2012.666035
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*Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal
Vol. 30, No. 1, March 2012, 43–52
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et al. 2005). At the same time, some forms of HIA practice
have emerged that are aligned with emerging practice in
other forms of impact assessment, such as a focus on
enhancing potentially positive impacts of a proposal as
well as assessing negative impacts, which has been
referred to as ‘health opportunities’ (Quigley et al. 2006)
(cf. the growing interest in seeking enhancement in
sustainability assessment, Bond et al. 2012), and a focus
on vulnerabilities and the distribution of potential impacts
(Tamburrini et al. 2011, Esteves et al. 2012).
HIA can be seen as originating from three distinct but
related areas of public health activity: environmental
health, the wider determinants of health and health equity
(Harris-Roxas and Harris 2011). All three are linked by an
overarching theme of broader, though at times incremental,
engagement by the public health sector with non-health
sector activities. Each of these is considered in turn below.
HIA activity within the area of environmental health
has had a strong focus on potential health risks of major
projects stretching back several decades (Morris and
Novak 1976, Birley 2005, 2011). The focus has often been
on ensuring threats to human health are considered as part
of regulatory EIA processes (Birley and Peralta 1995,
Martuzzi and Bertollini 2005).
Over time, there has been an increasing recognition
that non-health sectors’ activities play a major role in
determining health outcomes (Lalonde 1974, Mechanic
2000); hence the term ‘wider determinants of health’
which recognizes that the factors which determine health
outcomes can be environmental, social, economic and/or
institutional. This is not new; the very origins of public
health lie in the recognition that environmental factors
such as water, waste and air quality affect human health
(Davies 2001, Corburn and Bhatia 2007). What has been
new in the past several decades is an increased
appreciation that social factors play an important role in
determining health outcomes, as well as often determining
the distribution of health risks (Kasperson 1983). These
are known as the social determinants of health but are also
referred to as ‘the causes of the causes’ (Wilkinson and
Marmot 2003) because they are often the underlying
causes of health conditions (WHO 2008a). HIA activity
based on the wider view of health has tended to focus on
voluntary assessment of public sector policies and
strategies (Bos 2006). This is perhaps best exemplified
by the Health in All Policies (HiAP) agenda, which
requires consideration of the health implications of
policies. HiAP has gained traction in Europe and
elsewhere over the past five years and is being actively
promoted by the World Health Organization (WHO)
(Sta°hl et al. 2006, Kickbusch and Buckett 2010, WHO &
SA Government 2010). HIA has been identified as a
practical activity that can underpin a HiAP approach
(Collins and Koplan 2009, Quigley 2010, Sta°hl 2010).
Those concerned with health equity (WHO 2008a,
2012) have over the past decade identified HIA as an
intervention that can address health inequalities in policy
development and planning, that is, before inequalities come
about (WHO 1997a, 2006, 2008a, 2008b, Acheson 1998).
This approach is quite similar to activity related to the wider
view of health but it is possible to look at the social
determinants of health without looking at differential
impacts and vulnerabilities (Harris-Roxas et al. 2004,
Harris and Harris-Roxas 2010). Health equity-related HIA
activity often involves more explicit discussion about the
values and goals that underpin planning and decisionmaking
(Harris-Roxas and Harris 2011).
These three areas of activity are complementary and
over the past decade their combined efforts have led to a
rapid growth in the use of HIA, but given their different
emphases there have at times been differing views about
what the focus of HIA should be (Krieger et al. 2010,
Vohra et al. 2010, Haigh et al. 2012). This is illustrated in
Figure 1.
The Gothenburg Consensus Paper (ECHP 1999) was
one of the earliest attempts to bring together the disparate
HIA activity introduced above. This document was
developed at a conference of European HIA practitioners
that was held in Gothenburg, Sweden, in 1999. It sought to
define the procedural aspects of HIA and also set out
principles that should guide the practice of HIA. Four
values-based principles were identified – democracy,
equity, sustainable development and the ethical use of
evidence (ECHP 1999).
In many ways these values reflect the context in which
the Consensus Paper was developed, principally by
European practitioners with an interest in the use of HIA
from the wider view of health perspective. Since the time
the Consensus Paper was developed HIA has expanded to
markedly different contexts and countries and the extent to
which these values inform actual HIA practice, rather than
being rhetoric, now warrants attention.
International perspectives
Many if not most HIAs are currently conducted outside
legislative or regulatory requirements (Wismar et al. 2007),
though this varies markedly depending on the context.
Currently most voluntary HIAs are being undertaken by the
public sector on their own proposals, though increasingly
the private sector is also adopting HIA, stimulated by
industry best practice standards (IPIECA 2005, Quigley
et al. 2006, Bhatia et al. 2009, Fredsgaard et al. 2009, ICCM
2010) and internal organisational standards. Where HIA is
supported by policy or regulation, different jurisdictions
have taken different approaches to developing legal and
policy frameworks to support the use of HIA. These fall into
two broad categories, as shown in Box 1. The first approach
is to create specific provisions for the use of HIA through
laws, regulatory mandates or supportive policies. The
second approach emphasizes the consideration of health
within whole-of-government decision-making processes,
which may or may not include HIA per se (see Box 1). This
may involve looking at health impacts in other assessment
and governance tools such as target setting, interdepartmental
committees, public health or environmental
legislation, public policy formulation processes, public
hearings, cross-departmental spending reviews, and crossgovernmental
analytical and intelligence services (Puska
and Sta°hl 2010, Wismar and Ernst 2010).
44 B. Harris-Roxas et al.
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State of the field
The following section outlines the current strengths and
weaknesses of HIA practice and the potential opportunities
and threats associated with future practice.
Strengths
There is now a broad consensus on the procedural aspects
of HIA, for example screening, scoping, assessment of
impacts, recommendations, and evaluation and follow-up
(Quigley et al. 2006, National Research Council 2011,
Wernham 2011). This has led to recognition that
improving the practice standards around each step of
HIA will lead to an overall improvement in the quality of
HIAs (Fredsgaard et al. 2009).
The development of HIA as a discrete, stand-alone
impact assessment process has afforded the opportunity to
expand its use to a diverse range of applications (Mahoney
et al. 2004, Coggins et al. 2007, Wernham 2011).
Figure 1. Some historical landmarks in HIA. Adapted from Krieger et al. (2010).
Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 45
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Box 1. Regulatory and legislative approaches to using
HIA
Broad approach 1: Requiring, supporting and promoting
the use of HIA
. Requiring that human health be considered as part
of EIAs or broader impact assessment processes
such as SEAs or environmental, social and health
impact assessments (ESHIAs). This approach can
be seen in many countries’ national or regional
environmental protection legislation across the
developed and developing world. Increasingly,
multilateral and international agencies also require
that health be considered within their mandated
assessment processes. For example, the International
Finance Corporation (IFC) and Equator
Principles’ signatories require health be explicitly
considered as part of the assessment of projects
that they finance (Utzinger et al. 2005, Equator
Principles 2006, IFC 2006, 2009). This has been
an important driver of HIA practice in Sub-
Saharan Africa in particular. An example of this is
the Rio Tinto Simandou project in Guinea, where
the IFC has a 5% share in the project (Winkler
et al. 2010). The USA’s National Environmental
Policy Act also includes reference to human health
and this has been used as a basis for initiating
health assessments in EIAs in Alaska and other
parts of the country (Wernham 2007, Bhatia and
Wernham 2008, Tamburrini et al. 2011).
. Requiring that stand-alone HIAs be conducted on
specific types or categories of proposals. For
example, the Thai National Health Act (2007)
requires discrete HIAs to be conducted for certain
major projects beyond a certain scale and in
specific sectors. The Lao PDR National Policy on
Health Impact Assessment (2006) decreed by the
Prime Minister requires that HIAs be conducted
and that the terms of reference for the HIA and the
final HIA report be endorsed by the Ministry of
Health. In the state of Tasmania in Australia there
is a standing requirement that HIAs be conducted
by project proponents on all major projects of a
certain scale that are referred to the Director of
Public Health (NPHP 2005).
. Legislating for health authorities to have the
power to require an HIA at their discretion. For
example, the Vietnamese Law on Prevention and
Control of Infectious Diseases (2007) mentions
that HIA can be conducted for investment projects
on construction of industrial parks, urban centres
and residential areas and overseen by the Ministry
of Health. Another example is under state
legislation in Victoria, Australia (Victorian Public
Health and Wellbeing Act 2008), where the
Minister for Health has the power to require an
HIA be undertaken.
. Legislating that potentially affected communities
have the right to request discrete HIAs be
conducted on proposal and to be involved in the
HIA process (beyond the mere inclusion of health
in EIAs or integrated assessments). This rightsbased
approach was introduced into the Thai
Constitution in 2007 and subsequently generated
considerable concern from the business sector
about how such a right would be brought into
operation. Guidance has been developed by the
Thai National Health Commission that sets out
the procedures required, which include a more
transparent public scoping process and a public
review period following the completion of the
draft HIA report (NHCO 2010).
. Regulations or policies that support the use of HIA
but do not require it. This approach can be seen in
many municipal and regional government regulations
across Europe, Asia and increasingly the
Americas. Many health agencies internationally,
ranging from the World Health Organization to
local health authorities (WHO 2008b, Kang et al.
2011) explicitly identify HIA as an important tool
to facilitate collaboration with other sectors (such
as land use and transport planning) in developing
their strategic plans and documents (WHO 1997b,
Dora and Racioppi 2003). An example is the San
Francisco Department of Public Health, which has
undertaken numerous HIAs and has identified
HIA as a key activity in its strategic planning
process (Corburn and Bhatia 2007, Bhatia and
Corburn 2011). A number of National Environmental
Health Action Plans (NEHAPs), whose
development has been promoted by WHO, now
refer to HIA (Gopalan 2003). Recent examples of
this include China and Mongolia’s NEHAPs
(Government of Mongolia 2005, People’s Republic
of China 2007). The Alaskan state government
in the USA has also recently released a toolkit to
support the use of HIA (State of Alaska 2011).
Broad approach 2: Health within government processes
The following approaches are not necessarily requirements
for HIA per se but may be related or may
promote the use of HIA:
. Requiring a health review or screening of all
government policies. For example, the Netherlands
had a requirement that all government
policies be screened to determine whether an HIA
was required, which led to a number of HIAs
being undertaken on national policies (den
Broeder et al. 2003). Similarly the Quebec
provincial government in Canada has a requirement
that government proposals be appraised for
their health effects (Gagnon and Michaud 2008).
The state of New South Wales in Australia
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This might not have happened if HIA were conducted
within an integrated assessment process restricted to
defined activities. For example, less than 0.1% of planning
applications in the UK are subject to EIA (Weston 2002)
which, if HIA were integrated with EIA, presupposes that
99.9% of development has no significant health
implications.
Work has begun on practice standards and reviewcriteria
forHIA, thoughmore is required (Quigley et al. 2006,Bhatia
et al. 2009, Fredsgaard et al. 2009). This is an important
mechanism for improving practice quality but also an
important way to demonstrate that improvement has, in fact,
occurred. This approach is distinct from critical appraisal or
general critique through peer review, which are the more
common HIAapproaches at present (Fredsgaard et al. 2009).
Review criteria involve setting clear parameters for what
constitutes an acceptable HIA and are an important step in
the development of the field. This approach will also involve
clarifying the broader goals and values ofHIA, and howthese
should be put into operation. For example, how should
broader goals of sustainability and equity be practically
addressed in HIA? (Harris-Roxas et al. 2004). Part of this
may involve developing application-specific HIA guidance,
though there are already good examples of this (IPIECA
2005, ICMM 2010).
Weaknesses
Equity and the consideration of the differential distribution
of impacts and vulnerabilities within HIA remains a
challenge for two principle reasons. One is complexity
associated with scoping and assessing differential impacts;
that is, which groups are chosen (e.g. gender, age, socioeconomic
status, ethnicity etc.) and on what basis? (Povall
et al. 2010, Haber 2011, Harris-Roxas et al. 2011, Gunther
2011). Basing decisions more objectively on population
profile data is also important but may be difficult to do
where those data do not exist (Birley 2003). HIAs
undertaken in resource-poor settings are particularly
challenged by limited baseline population health data
(Winkler et al. 2010) and limited information about
existing health, social and environmental vulnerabilities
(Kværner et al. 2006).
The resourcing of HIAs, particularly within integrated
impact assessment processes, remains a challenging
practical issue (Birley 2007). An implied rationale for
the application of HIA is often economic – that it is better
to invest in preventing health problems now rather than
‘paying a larger bill later’ (Quigley and Taylor 2004,
Wilkinson 2007). HIA requires resources and has to be
detailed to be credible, but also has to be responsive to
decision-making and budgetary requirements (Lester and
Temple 2004, Harris-Roxas and Harris 2011). In practice,
this has meant that HIAs are frequently rushed and often
conducted after other impact assessment processes, with
limited scope for the collection of new data upon which to
base an assessment. Meaningful community engagement,
for example, is a time-consuming and potentially resource
intensive process, which is at odds with the time
constraints that are often placed on HIAs (Parry and
Wright 2003, Kearney 2004). Workshops conducted at
IAIA conferences in 2006 and 2007 suggested that within
the context of integrated assessments (incorporating socioeconomic,
environmental and health issues) of major
projects there should be a target of between 10 and 20% to
be spent on the health component, though this appears to
be an aspiration rather than a reflection of current funding
levels.
Capacity has been a critical factor in determining the
extent to which the different approaches outlined in Box 1
have resulted in HIAs being undertaken. This refers to
capacity not only to conduct HIAs but also to commission
and review them (Nilunger Mannheimer et al. 2007, Harris
and Spickett 2011, Harris-Roxas et al. 2011). The focus in
many settings remains on introductory HIA training but
the greatest demand is for (i) HIA practitioners who have
conducted several HIAs and (ii) people with experience in
commissioning and reviewing HIAs. Professional associations,
such as the IAIA and other national associations,
have an important role to play in supporting the
development of practitioners, as do the agencies that are
requiring or promoting HIA practice.
Despite its increasing use, HIA lacks evidence to
demonstrate that it is effective in changing decisions and
the implementation of policies, programmes and projects
(O’Reilly et al. 2006, Wismar et al. 2007, Dannenberg
et al. 2008, Mathias and Harris-Roxas 2009), an issue
which is equally relevant to other forms of impact
assessment (Sadler 1996, Cashmore et al. 2004). The
benefits of undertaking HIA need to be ascertained and
requires that an Aboriginal Health Impact Statement
be completed on all new health sector
initiatives to ensure potential differential impacts
on Aboriginal populations are identified and
redressed prior to implementation (NSW Health
2003). These procedures bear some similarity to
screening procedures in impact assessment more
generally.
. Discretionary use of non-HIA processes to look at
health issues. For example, the state of South
Australia, a world leader in developing the HiAP
approach, has promoted the selective and strategic
use of a ‘health lens’ (Health SA 2008, Kickbusch
and Buckett 2010). This is a structured process for
intra-governmental engagement that is similar to
HIA. It aims to inform other sectors about the
potential health impacts of their policies as part of
government planning and implementation
processes.
These approaches are being driven at three levels:
through national or state legislation (Soeberg 2006,
Vohra 2007); through international agencies and
mechanisms such as the IFC and the Equator
Principles (IFC 2009); and through the use of
voluntary practice principles by industry and
assessors (IPIECA 2005, Quigley et al. 2006, Bhatia
et al. 2009, ICMM 2010).
Impact Assessment and Project Appraisal 47
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then weighed against the costs of undertaking HIA, which
include developing a skilled workforce, funding for
consultation and evidence gathering, and opportunity
costs associated with potential delays to decision-making
and implementation (Dannenberg et al. 2008, Mathias and
Harris-Roxas 2009). While it is important to demonstrate
HIA’s value, it is equally important to recognize that at a
more basic level HIA simply seeks to correct a
fundamental problem: many decisions have health
consequences, and these should be considered before
decisions are made.
The field would be supported by a more robust
evidence base, both to demonstrate the value of its use and
to improve practice standards (Wismar et al. 2007). If HIA
is to become more routine in the already complex set of
planning and assessment processes of the government and
the private sectors, the field will need to demonstrate how
conducting an HIA is likely to add new information and
improve the outcomes of the decision.
Opportunities
There is an opportunity to change the current norms where
decision-makers often insist on quantified and certain
evidence of potential impacts before committing resources
to acting on an HIA’s recommendations (Winkler et al.
2012). Realising opportunities requires practitioners to be
more transparent in stating the degree of uncertainty
associated with predicted impacts, and assumptions that
underpin these predictions (National Research Council
2011, Hoshiko et al. 2012). Predicting many important
impacts may often involve weaker and more speculative
evidence (Veerman et al. 2006, 2007) but this information
can still usefully inform decision-making.
The focus on alternatives in HIA (or in an integrated
assessment within which it is embedded) has often been
limited to date, and where there is consideration of
alternatives they are usually narrowly defined and
restricted to siting alternatives, such as the location or
route of a development, or technological alternatives,
which involve applying new technological approaches or
procedures. The opportunity exists to improve HIA
through paying greater attention to other forms of
alternatives, such as knowledge alternatives, institutional
alternatives or goal alternatives. Knowledge alternatives
involve looking at different ways of understanding the
issue or problem. For example, where malaria is endemic,
the problem can be viewed as being environmental
(standing water), social (barrier to use of preventive
schemes like bed-nets), economic (lack of access to
treatment), or cultural (agricultural practices leading to
standing water, or cultural practice leading to proximity to
standing water), among many others. Institutional
alternatives involve new partnerships or different ways
of working at an organisational level, while goal
alternatives involve consideration of what is trying to be
achieved and whether alternative approaches could be
used to achieve those overall goals (Sukkumnoed 2007,
Sukkumnoed et al. 2007). The reasons for the narrower
range of alternatives being considered is linked to
understandings of the role of HIAs and what will come
out of conducting them, and these are often closely linked
to the perceived purpose of HIAs (Steinemann 2001). In
many settings there is an expectation that HIAs will
recommend minimal changes or tweaks to a proposal,
rather than radical reconsideration of goal alternatives, and
this necessarily limits the nature of the alternatives that can
be examined (Fiorino 2001, Cashmore et al. 2004, Harris-
Roxas and Harris 2011).
There are now a number of examples of communitycontrolled
HIAs that have been undertaken in Canada,
India, Thailand and Australia (Gillis 1999, Cameron et al.
2011, Harris-Roxas and Harris 2011). These offer a
markedly different perspective on HIA’s purpose and role
in decision-making compared with its more technocratic
applications that have more limited scope for public
participation. The issues involved in community participation
are not unique to HIA (Western and Lynch 2000,
Wright et al. 2005). Most forms of impact assessment deal
with them and there is potential for learning between
impact assessment practitioners.
The debates about HIA often reflect its diverse origins,
uses and purposes – but most of all its adaptability. For
example, HIA may benefit from better and more
widespread integration with other assessment processes
(Noble and Bronson 2005, Bhatia and Wernham 2008). At
the moment the consideration of health is often limited to
environmental health risk assessments that are conducted
within larger assessment processes, with limited emphasis
on potential health benefits from a proposal or the social
determinants of health (Harris et al. 2009). The move
towards sustainability assessment may represent an
opportunity for HIA in that it suggests a more integrated,
holistic approach to assessment (Bond et al. 2012), in
which health is a key consideration, though as noted earlier
there are some tensions with integration and there are risks
of health considerations being overwhelmed.
Threats
Government health agencies currently view HIA as a
novel activity rather than as a core capability. In plain
terms, at present health systems around the world are
consumed with providing medical services and core public
health functions such as sanitation and infection control,
and there is little or no routine or formalized interaction
with other sectors. This means the health sector often does
not get involved when a road is being planned, a mine is
being permitted, or an educational policy is being
revamped. This also underscores the importance of
international efforts to evaluate the effectiveness of HIA
(O’Reilly et al. 2006, Wismar et al. 2007, Dannenberg
et al. 2008). The lack of partnership between sectors, for
example health professionals and spatial planners, is a
threat to the design of healthier environments (France
2004, Burns and Bond 2008).
Conclusions
HIA has come a long way as a field in relatively short time.
Seventeen years ago Birley and Peralta wrote that ‘at
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present HIA is a blunt tool with the rudiments of an
accepted methodology’ (1995). This is no longer the case.
There is greater consensus about the procedural elements
of HIA (e.g. screening, scoping etc.) as well as when it is
most useful. Challenges remain, however.
The authors believe that there is need for an updated
international consensus on HIA to be developed (Krieger
et al. 2010, Vohra et al. 2010). HIA practice has evolved
since Birley and Peralta’s chapter was written (Birley and
Peralta 1995) but also since the development of the
Gothenburg Consensus Paper (ECHP 1999). There is a
pressing need to revisit, at an international level, the
governing values and standards that apply to HIA’s use in
order to ensure they are relevant to the current diverse
range of HIA practice.
As we have outlined in this paper, HIA has established
itself as a widespread, credible and useful activity that is
conducted in increasingly sophisticated ways. This field’s
focus has moved beyond describing HIA and how it can be
used, to more nuanced understandings of HIA methods and
their impacts on decision-making an implementation. The
current diversity of HIA practice will continue to enable a
disparate range of HIA-related activities to achieve similar
end goals: protecting and promoting public health.
Acknowledgements
This paper draws on discussions held at a series of workshops at
IAIA conferences between Seoul, Korea, in 2006 and Puebla,
Mexico, in 2011. It also draws on ideas presented at the 2011
meeting of the WHO Western Pacific Regional Office’s
Thematic Working Group on Health Impact Assessment, which
was supported by the Korean Institute for Health and Social
Affairs. We would like to thank Dr Jenny Pope, Ms Michaela
Pfeiffer and Associate Professor Pat Bazeley for their
constructive comments.
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